Working in space

It’s a review of 2001: A Space Odyssey from my Hollywood history newsletter GROSS, but it’s also an essay about working in space and a comparison with Director Bong’s Mickey 17.

Characters in the film 2001: A Space Odyssey, Dr Dave Bowman and Dr Frank Poole, stand in the pod bay. in front of them the EVA pods are ready for use
At work

We’ll know that the exploitation of space is going to plan when they start sending workers up there. Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos expect to do so. Colonies of millions – on Mars to begin with and then further out in the future. It’s obviously an exciting prospect: the promise that many – not just a tiny elite from the wealthiest nations – might exceed earth’s bounds, escape gravity, explore the unknown. But, let’s face it, in the expansion phase, once it’s all about return on investment, it’s unlikely these guys will want a fully-sentient workforce; actual humans with all their demands and the risk they might organise or take a sick day or just go rogue.

It’s safe to assume the oligarchs and the long line of wannabe space barons behind them will want their workers indentured at best; drugged, chipped or genetically-modified at worst. They’ll be dormant when not working and consuming exactly the permitted number of calories (probably through a tube).

Everything we know about the economics of space suggests it will be brutal for any worker stupid enough or desperate enough to volunteer for one of these colonising missions. If you make it up through the Kármán line at all you’re more likely to be sedated in a crate, naked to save weight, than sipping Champagne at a picture window. The insane cost of moving human flesh to distant colonies will make the whole experience much more Chernobyl liquidator than intrepid pioneer – expendable labour on a one-way trip (it costs £20,000/day to get food for one astronaut to orbit).

Don’t be surprised when the entrepreneurs advancing this off-planet production model reveal they have to cancel all those old-fashioned terrestrial employee rights to make it work too. I can imagine workers signing up for the experience making a grim and desperate bargain – perhaps to benefit family members left behind.

Real-world case studies

Every spaceship that’s not 100% robotic is, of course, a workplace. And we actually have a sense of what it’ll be like in these off-planet workplaces – Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk have both provided detailed previews, right here on Earth, so we can safely conclude that the options are, roughly:

Musk: a hyped-up Versailles. Every Musk company is a patronage network; a court of high-functioning engineers in expensive athleisure, high-fiving as they float around the flight-deck and checking in periodically to suck up to their mercurial space monarch (who has made it clear he won’t be with them).

Bezos: a substantially more businesslike model; essentially an optimised corporate pyramid on the American model with a very large, exploited and precarious layer of drone labour at the bottom. Bezos and his managers will also, presumably, be issuing their orders from an on-planet management suite with decent coffee.

The Bong workplace

Bong Joon-ho’s space workplace is a very contemporary hyper-supervised dystopia

In Mickey 17, the workers who fill the unnamed prison hulk heading to planet Niflheim are pretty close to this Musk/Bezos template. They’re of the unhappy, defeated, precaritised variety. A desperate and entirely dependent crew with no visible organisation and a lot of very visible policing to keep them in line. We don’t see the circumstances that drive the escaping proles to volunteer but they’re hinted at – we assume a final climate collapse or a terrible war.

Director Bong’s latest is a satire on capitalism but actually more specifically on proletarianisation. Not the old business of recruiting peasants to the urban working class but the absolutely contemporary process that’s stripping a whole pissed-off, pointlessly over-educated generation of young people of their status, security and hopes for the future – collapsing them all into an expanded, immiserated and debt-laden working class.

And this new, refigured working class is not the proletariat of the industrial era, of course, a class that at least in principle had been granted some dignity and some negotiating power (ask your grandparents about negotiating power, kids), but a new working class characterised by the absence of both – and, in fact, by their steady removal. Just the kind of people who might, when the demand comes, find themselves volunteering to go up the gravity well to work themselves to death.

The Kubrick workplace

2001 is set in the ultimate, super-deluxe intergovernmental playground

Kubrick’s space (which is also Arthur C. Clarke’s space) is a complex hierarchy of workplaces, all of them fitted out in the slick, hyper-modern style of mid-sixties corporate America – and on an implausibly grand scale. In following Dr Heywood Floyd (William Sylvester), top American space bureaucrat, on his journey to the moon to investigate the discovery of that mysterious monolith, we encounter a sequence of space vehicles and habitats two of which are operated commercially by Pan Am and the others, presumably, by a kind of global NASA. Pan Am must have stood for the absolute state of the art in commercial transport when Kubrick was making the film, during the boom in commercial aviation that followed the introduction of the jet airliner in the previous decade. He must have known that Pan Am had rushed to fly the very first of the fabulous new Boeing 747s that were in production at the time (appropriately the firm was bankrupt and forgotten by the year in which the movie is set).

White-collar boomers – mostly from the parent class we met in the last movie I watched here The Graduate – were flying routinely for work for the first time in the mid sixties, as Kubrick was planning 2001. The slick airport lounges and business hotels invented for them are here, in Kubrick’s low earth orbit – on a huge transit hub called Space Station 5. So are forward-looking brands like Whirlpool, Bell Telephone, IBM, Hilton and Howard Johnson’s, whose logos appear everywhere – a starkly contemporary element that’s not in Clarke’s novel. This subservient role for business in space – firms providing services to the space-faring elite and their agencies – has now been flipped completely, of course. In the present, the right stuff is provided by the swashbuckling entrepreneurs and the tedious services by increasingly risk-averse legacy organisations.

But up on Space Station 5, the people we encounter are are about as far from Bong Joon Ho’s bruised and humiliated precariat as it’s possible to get. They’re from what we’d probably call the Professional Managerial Class. Everyone is a government functionary of some kind – and literally everyone is credentialed to the rank ‘doctor’ – you obviously can’t get anywhere near a flight to orbit without a PhD (unless you’re a cleaner or a bartender presumably – we see a group of what must be pilots, wearing peaked caps). It’s almost a running gag – in a council meeting on the moon, one doctor introduces another doctor who then thanks a couple of other doctors; when space cruiser Discovery sets off for Jupiter to investigate the source of the film’s central mystery with a crew of six, the only non-PhD is HAL the AI.

Anyway, on the space station, members of the cosmopolitan space elite gather in a bar (furnished by Eero Saarinen, who came up in the Brutalist review) uncannily glued by the ship’s rotation to the inside of the hull – a group of Russians (Aeroflot logos on their carry-on luggage) on the way down and doctor Floyd on the way up. And it’s appropriate that Kubrick chooses to recruit his space elite from the established worldly elite of the intergovernmental organisations. There’s a United Nations vibe. An ‘IAS Convention’ is cited, and another undefined three-letter body ‘the IAC’. It’s still possible, in the late sixties, to imagine space exploration as a global effort, an aspect of the civilising post-war order. Even now, as the system falls apart and Musk’s footsoldiers dismantle liberal institutions in real time here on earth, there are four Americans, five Russians and one Japanese on board the ISS.

Crisis

Arthur C. Clarke wrote his novel 2001: a Space Odyssey after he’d been contracted to work on the movie. He’d written a short story back in the forties that’s probably the seed of the thing, but the novel and the movie are basically part of the same project – a very Kubrick solution to refining a screenplay. The way Clarke puts it, in the introduction to the novel:

Perhaps because he realised that I had low tolerance for boredom, Stanley suggested that before we embarked on the drudgery of the script, we let our imaginations soar freely by writing a complete novel, from which we would later derive the script. (And, hopefully, a little cash.)

He’s not a great writer. Like a lot of science fiction authors he’s all about the ideas. And the ideas here are an odd mix of the prescient and the pedestrian. For Clarke (and Kubrick) to have imagined zero-gravity living and to describe an essentially complete space economy in such startling detail at a time when barely half a dozen humans had made it as far as earth orbit is unarguably brilliant. But Clarke’s sense of the world in 2001 is weak: it’s your basic Malthusian breakdown story: over-population and resource wars force humanity to venture into space.

So, with birthrates almost everywhere falling, it won’t be overpopulation that drives humanity off-planet, but what seems perfectly plausible is that it’ll be a crisis in capitalism that kicks it off. We’ve got enough case studies now to know that when capitalism reaches a deep enough impasse – when economies everywhere grind to a halt because average returns on investment have fallen away – and when kicking the can down the road no longer works, there’s often a catastrophic reset. It’s usually a war that drives unprofitable activity out of the economy and forces workers to ask for less. It’s easy enough to imagine that, once the technologies are cheap enough, a reset of this kind might be the trigger for a rush to Mars. But that rush won’t be the deluxe version offered in 2001: A Space Odyssey. It’ll be the crappy, exploitive one offered by the space oligarchs.


  • Bezos has won a contract from NASA to build a replacement for the International Space Station called Orbital Reef and it is very much a workplace. The new space station will be a ‘mixed-use business park’. The publicity reads like a brochure for serviced offices: “Shared infrastructure efficiently supports the proprietary needs of diverse tenants and visitors. It features a human-centered space architecture with world-class services and amenities that is inspiring, practical, and safe.”
  • Frederic Raphael, a British author who collaborated with Kubrick on his last film Eyes Wide Shut, wrote a brilliant, literary memoir about the process. It’s out of print but you’ll find it second-hand. It’s one of the most illuminating things I’ve read about the brilliant, fastidious and obviously maddening director.
  • 2001: A Space Oddysey is on Amazon Prime and there’s a lovely 4K Blu-Ray.
  • On my blog I wrote about what it might be like to work on one of Musk’s space missions. What would a disciplinary be like, for instance? More Klingon that Star Fleet.
  • Olga Ravn, a Danish poet, has written a short novel about how a crisis in deep space might be handled by a contemporary HR department. It’s dark and funny.
  • Kubrick’s glorious, cathedral-vast spaceships, absurdly over-specced for the task, continue to be the approximate norm in sci-fi. 2016’s Passengers, in which an HR dilemma reaches a happy conlusion, is set on an enormous and ultra-luxurious spaceship with no obvious function that has multiple atriums and a swimming pool (!) Even the most realistic space dramas tend to allow astronauts far too much space to roam.
  • Read essays like this on Substack and reviews on my Letterboxd.

Look like you mean it

Riot season arrived on schedule.

Far-right protest on 3 August 2024 in England

Back in the old days…

…lefties used to say things like “the forces of reaction – the capitalists and their proxies – divide us in order to control us, in order to disempower us and better exploit us. We should work to unite working people, to bring black and white – immigrants and the communities they live in – together, to overcome oppression…” and so on.

And the thing is, of course, this still makes perfect sense. There’s no new argument. Nothing has come along to supercede this worldview (capitalism didn’t become a benign force when it adopted chill-out rooms). Working class communities across the history of capitalism have been divided and set against each other for a reason.

It’s pretty simple: for capital there could be nothing more threatening than a working class that recognises itself in others – across borders and races. Imagine: a single working class – absolutely terrifying for the owner class. Racism is a deeply-ingrained aspect of the system. It’s not an incidental effect of migration, there’s nothing innate or natural about it (and it’s definitely not a pathology of white, working class communities).

And everyone who used to say this kind of thing understood that this would be hard, that persuading everyone that their interests are best served by uniting against the powerful elites that tolerate and encourage hatred and division is a very tough sell. Bringing communities together is hard – and it requires material interventions, not appeals to compassion or fairness or love for others.

More to the point, we can’t ‘fact-check’ our way out this. Explainers, ‘open-source journalism’ and all those forensic investigations of mis- and dis-information on social media can’t help. Only concrete action: investment in housing and public services; community-building (actual human beings meeting each other) – and in democratic institutions – can help.

This will be doubly hard in the teeth of poverty, soaring inequality and a collapsing public realm (plus Robert Jenrick). It would, in any circumstances, take years and huge, focused effort – especially when organisation and solidarity are at a low ebb and the racists are so deeply embedded and so confident.

But, guess what, a new government has just come to power in Britain. And this government has a huge majority and an uninterrupted five years (some people reckon it’ll easily be ten) to act. This new government comes from what is still the only mass political party in Britain and has activists and organisers in every council ward and every Parliamentary constituency on the mainland. It’s, at least in principle, the best possible platform for bringing together an anti-racist coalition, for animating communities and people against despair and hatred.

So far, of course, what we’ve got from the new government is hardly encouraging. I don’t know how to put it. When I’m looking at a contemporary politician – any of them, really, with a few obvious exceptions – it quite often comes back to aesthetics. There’s something so dour, defeated, hedged, circumscribed… about the ministerial mien (and the recently-defenestrated ministerial mien, for that matter), about the serious-face podium manner. I’m sure you know what I mean. I don’t expect the political class to use this scary eructation as an opportunity to roll out a new vision of unity for Britain. I do, though, expect an explicit plan, some enthusiasm for the project, some hope about its outcome (and, honestly, what else have we got to do? Might as well try, right?).

These are desperate times. But they’re also cynical times. Realists dominate. I’m a realist most of the time myself. So I feel like an idiot saying these things: but we’re right at the beginning of a new regime. The new regime is meeting its first big challenge. It has everything it needs to respond. It must at least look like it means it.

Technofeudalism, neofeudalism, political capitalism and old-fashioned capitalism

It is possible for geniuses to explain things in ways that non-geniuses can understand but sometimes they need to switch formats to do it.

Microverses: Observations from a Shattered Present – a book by Dylan Riley

I’ve spent a stupid amount of time trying to understand Marxism – political science in general, in fact. I ought to have just gone to college or something but it’s too late for that so I buy books and subscribe to periodicals and so on. I follow interesting lefties on Twitter, I read Substacks and listen to podcasts. I’m all over it. But to be honest it’s not really working. I mean it goes in one ear and out the other.

The best I get is a very gradual – almost undetectable in fact – improvement in my understanding. Pretty much the same kind of glacial change I’m seeing in my ability to write poetry (which I’ve also been doing for years) or to construct decent-looking shelves for all the fucking books. This has got to do with my age obvs but also, it’s clear, to do with the fact that I’m doing this in the piecemeal, unsystematic way of a distracted hobbyist.

My kids went off to university and studied this stuff for three years and now they explain it to me like I’m an idiot. I obviously envy their comprehensive, organised understanding, given to them in the time-honoured way by experts and, in fact, by geniuses. But I’m still here, trying to figure it all out.

This guy, Dylan Riley, is one of the geniuses, a big brain who teaches sociology in California and writes books and papers and long articles about Marxism and society and so on. He came to my (disorganised) attention last year when he co-wrote a piece for New Left Review – with an even bigger genius called Robert Brenner (who has a whole area of disagreement named after him) – about the emergence of something they call ‘political capitalism’.

I won’t try to explain it in any detail – I’d certainly get it all wrong – but it’s a fascinating idea that seems to account for the way investors and corporations continue to make increasing profits even as the return on investment declines almost everywhere. The piece has been influential beyond lefty circles and the ideas contained in it have begun to show up in mainstream politics and journalism.

Political capitalism – the delivery of economic outcomes by non-economic means – is known by others as ‘neofeudalism’ and sometimes ‘technofeudalism’. French economist Thomas Piketty has made a career out of explaining this phenomenon and written several enormous books about it, including Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Some Marxists, though – perhaps the more orthodox ones – are dismissive of this whole discussion – where the proponents of political capitalism see a new terrain of accumulation and exploitation, they see only more capitalism. Evgeny Morozov, another genius whose specialism is a Marxist reading of the Internet and computing, has written a very comprehensive and quite sceptical survey of the various flavours of technofeudalism.

Anyway, the piece – and the other stuff he’s written that I’ve dug out since then – is full of deep insights and lofty ideas, as you’d expect, and a lot of it goes whoooooosh over my head while I wrinkle my brow. So I was kind of intrigued to learn that Riley had also written a little book made up of tiny, informal notes that he wrote to himself – in longhand in an actual notebook – during the pandemic.

To be clear, these are not the notes (“400 rolls of toilet paper, 20kg spaghetti”) that I was writing during the pandemic, they’re notes about the genius stuff – and in particular they’re reflections on Covid, lockdown, the bail-outs and so on. So I thought “that’s going to be right up my street, it’s going to be accessible Marxism that I can get my head around, in small chunks that aren’t going to put me off and make me feel stupid.”

And it is. I mean it’s still full of big ideas and a lot of assumptions are made about the reader’s understanding of politics and sociology (get ready for a lot of Durkheim) but it’s also full of nifty, two- or three-line insights – aphorisms, I guess – that genuinely illuminate the whole scene, the whole post-pandemic, end-of-the-end-of-history, collapse-of-neoliberalism thing – but also Trump, music education, the economics of slavery, socialist utopia…

Riley’s language is never less than academic and can be po-faced. He never doesn’t take himself seriously, which is something I also kind of envy, actually. I mean the confidence to lay down idea after idea without at any point feeling the need to make a joke at your own expense or understate your intelligence or whatever.

Like, for instance, demolishing the whole idea of democracy in four lines:

To imagine a postcapitalist political order is to imagine an order without sovereignty—and therefore without the metaphysics of sovereignty and its terminology, such as “democracy”—but with coordination and rationality.

Or illumating the present moment via the ancient state:

The state is an object of struggle among competing political-capitalist cliques. In antiquity two models emerged: the universal monarchy, which to some extent disciplined these groups; and the unstable republic, which allowed them to run rampant. Are there not analogues in the current period? Putin’s Russia could be thought of as the Roman universal monarchy, and the United States the unstable republican form.

That kind of thing.

And it’s one of those books that make you think “come on, geniuses, why don’t you do this in all your stuff? If you can make big ideas clear in a flash and in about 300 words of pellucid prose in one format, why can’t you do it when you’re filling a big, fat book?” Is there something about the stylistic liberty provided by the informal layout that permits these more relaxed, generous, explanatory insights and something about the academic format that inhibits them?

Anyway, Riley’s book is a jewel – and it’s so short you’ll read it in a couple of days – or, since it’s not in any way linear, you can just keep it by the toilet.

Previewing books

The thing with book reviews is you’re supposed to wait until you’ve finished reading the book before you review it but anyway – the latest big book to land here is Peter Spufford’s Power and Profit: The Merchant in Medieval Europe – a big, beautiful survey of economics, trade, infrastructure, manufacture and custom in the middle ages – all the stuff that came together to make what we now call capitalism.